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The spaces of knowledge and learning are various, even—one might say
especially—in the context of the academy. Considerable thought has been
given to the design of such spaces, less to their symbolics, and virtually
none to the significance of more extended academic contexts in which knowledge
and power are interactively generated. Power presupposes knowledge, and
different forms, objects, and contents of knowledge make possible differentiated
powers. Spatial ordering enables (or may disable) knowledge acquisition
and the expression of power even as it is licensed by them. The academy
offers a context, then—quite literally a variety of contexts that fall
under the range of academic practice—in terms of which to focus critically
on the symbolics of knowledge, space, and power.
Elite private universities or colleges and public urban universities,
to draw the sharpest sustainable distinction, differ precisely in the spatial
significance they impart to the ordered relations of knowledge and power.
Harvard and the University of Chicago, Columbia and Princeton, Georgetown
and Stanford, for instance, are inward-looking, protective, insular. They
seek to promote introspection even as their massive neomedieval monastic,
neogothic, or neoclassical architecture dominates the wider spatial formations
they occupy. They are literally as well as symbolically walled in, cut
off from their surroundings even as they loom over them spatially and economically.
Their presence is made obvious both by their spatial difference from, and
their more or less explicit representation of power in relation to, their
immediate surroundings. Small but wealthy liberal arts colleges like Swarthmore
and Bryn
Mawr, Oberlin and Earlham, the seven sister colleges and Reed, are set
in idyllic circumstances expressive of a romantic commitment to the pursuit
of a disembodied knowledge, knowing for its own sake that no money can
buy. This, perhaps paradoxically, is a polite way of saying that the pursuit
is for the most part available only to those who have the means to support
it. And underlying this restricted opportunity, purporting to rationalize
it, is the libertarian image underpinning the effect of "depublic-izing"
funding, whether for the arts, the humanities, transport, health, or education.
User friendliness (accessibility previously promoted by appeal to the principle
of equal opportunity) is to give way to user fees, which in code means
user friendliness for those who can pay the user fees. (Those who can pay
get to play the "college bored game of education," as a popular college
T-shirt puts it.) The space of the private institution of higher learning
signifies the privilege of learning—the privilege, that is, of a class
of learning, and a learning of and about class.
Public institutions in an urban setting, by contrast, usually are accommodated
in corporatelike buildings that place them in and around the city. In the
sense that there is any campus at all, it is the city itself. This is to
say that the university, by mandate, design, or mistake, is outward-looking,
belonging to and with a mission vis-a-vis the constituencies it serves.
The constituency may be the—quite often mythical—public at large, citizens
of the state or city, or increasingly, local corporate interests. The politics
of the university more than intersects with the politics of the city; they
are wedded in a sometimes nurturing, sometimes fractious relation. The
Graduate Center and Hunter College of The City University of New York are
paradigmatic examples. The city literally passes through them: Hunter is
cut through by Lexington Avenue and 68th Street; the Graduate Center adjoins
the curved Grace Building and overlooks downtown Manhattan, its walk-through
mall connecting 42nd and 43rd Streets close to Times Square. Academic knowledge
and streetwise experience meet at the intersection of university mall and
public square. Other examples include Georgia State in Atlanta, the University
of Massachusetts in Boston, George Washington University in Washington,
D.C., San Francisco State, and so on.
The spatial representations of big land-grant universities of the mid-
and southwest likewise signify relations between knowledge and politics.
Agrarian in conception, populist in mission, largely modernist—which in
their contexts is to say utilitarian—by design, they service by reproducing
model(that is, more or less uniform) citizen cogs to service state needs
and interests. Campuses for the most part are sprawling but self-contained,
open to their sometimes semi-(sub)urban surroundings as
they are bounded at once symbolically by playing fields, stadia, and student
recreational centers where iron is pumped, bodies paraded, and the triumph
of the will reimagined. Here America the beautiful comes perilously close
to being reduced to Madonna's material meaning.
So space, knowledge, and power, as Michel Foucault so cogently brought
to our notice, are tied intimately together, not only as they order the
spaces and places in which we find ourselves, but also as they signify
to us in some broader social sense what we are about. The relative spatial
differences between private, public urban, and large landed universities
are deeply related to their missions, to the interests they serve, to their
administrations, and to the sense of purpose faculty and students have
about their lives and futures, and to the prevailing conditions of labor
and intellectual endeavor. These missions, interests, purposes, and conditions
are deeply racialized and engendered, coded in the exclusionary cultures
of racial and gendered histories. There are, of course, somewhat different
notions of knowledge involved, but beyond that these different epistemological
and political assumptions (in the literal sense of both epistemology and
politics) are inextricably tied up with spatial ordering, design, and sensibility.
It is not just a matter of cost, then, that keeps private and land-grant
institutions largely white.
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