Lecture:
Cornel West
Interview:
Milton S. F. Curry and
Darell W. Fields
MC: Let me take you back to the Fall of 1991.
At that time, in the midst of what you called an “intellectual crisis in
architectural criticism,” you showed up at the Harvard Graduate School
of Design. What was going through your mind? What were you thinking, as
you sat there ready to address students and faculty at that particular
moment in time?
CW: You see, I had come from a conference that
we had back in 1988 or ‘89 that was held in Chicago at one of Frank Lloyd
Wright’s spots—I forget the name of it now—where we were talking about
what it means to create an oppositional architectural criticism.
CW: And that’s when I really began to read a lot
[about architecture], from Summerson to Frampton to. . . I even went back
and read old Siegfried’s piece, the huge history of architecture, I forget
what—Space Time and Architecture, something like that. I tried to read
all the texts I could in order to write a short piece. And so for three
days it was rather intense and I learned a lot, even though I was still
very much a neophyte. Then I put that paper away and had dialogue with
Vidler and Colquhoun and especially Michael Hays, who was here at Princeton.
And so when I went back to Harvard, I was thinking, “Well, I haven’t read
the stuff in a while”—it was about a two-year gap or so. I had only read
Assemblage and some stuff by Mark Wigley here and some graduate students
in architecture. So I was wondering exactly where architectural criticism
was at that time. What kind of new interventions had actually taken place
since ‘89–’90? And when Michael Hays invited me up, I think he was relatively
new; I think he had just left Princeton a year or two before. I was wondering
to what degree what I would have to say—trying to set a larger context,
but also saying something about the specificity of architectural criticism.
I didn’t want to give a piece on cultural criticism in the abstract or
just the larger historical context without trying to highlight the particular
functions of an architectural critic who is concerned with engagement with
the larger cultural/historical issues, with the larger cultural critical
forms. And so that’s what I was really trying to get at in the piece, and
that’s what was on my mind as I stepped up to the podium.
MC: You brought up some interesting critical points
in that essay. Some of our readers may not know this, but you regularly
lecture on architecture at schools all over the country. I know that you’ve
also been to several places in Canada. In speaking to such a broad audience
in your travels, do you see anyone out there responding to your call for
new cultural practices to find their way into architectural discourse?
And if so, who is responding to that and what are they doing?
CW: Really, in all honesty, when I read through
your Appendx number one, volume one—that to me was the most significant
response. I don’t really read architectural critical papers in the variety
of periodicals regularly; therefore there might be some persons out there
whom I’ve simply overlooked. |
I would first like to say a word about what the “new politics
of difference” actually means. You hear these terms “difference,” “marginality,”
“otherness,” and “subalterity” invoked all the time, but rarely do you
get definitions. What are the claims being made here? I’d like to say something
about the new politics of difference and discuss the implications for cultural
practices—and specifically, architectural practices.
If there are some underlying themes in what I’m talking about, they
are, first, that we have reached the point at which theory tends more and
more to be a fetish, where it is not only blinding in terms of our descriptive
and explanatory claims, but actually paralyzing as well. Theory is often
justified by sophisticated ironic consciousness through which we can undermine
each other’s positions (and even our own), but never take a stand or make
claims of any validity. We can tell a story about why that becomes acute
in the last fifteen years at this particular moment among the professional
managerial strata in advanced capitalist American society.
The second theme is the degree to which the new historicism is involved
in invoking history in the name of a historical way of looking at the past
and present. One symptom of this is the relative refusal of cultural critics
to examine the present moment, the present as history, and then tell stories
about why it is that certain ideas become hegemonic. What is the role and
function of these ideas, these perspectives, these visions, these orientations?
I submit that one of the reasons I spend so much time reading the Matthew
Arnolds and the T. S. Eliots and the Frantz Fanons and the Lionel Trillings
is not because I necessarily agree with these figures, but because they
understood their selves making an intervention in the public conversation
within the society in which they resided at that moment. When Lionel Trilling
talked about the liberal imagination, you knew he was battling the Stalinists,
you knew he was battling the new critics, you knew he was making an intervention
and was conscious of who the opponents were, understood their arguments,
and therefore was able to put forward his argument in a much more sophisticated
manner—even though he is flat-footed theoretically (which is to say that
he is not a theorist at all, given the criteria of theory these days).
But I want to begin first by saying a word about this new cultural politics
of difference, move to the four major modes of historicist reflection,
and then target the prevailing crisis in architectural criticism (and there
I’m talking of architectural critics who highlight the specificity of their
discipline and don’t get lost in the vague dialogue about antiskepticism
and foundationalism and antifoundationalism and so forth).
In the last few years of the twentieth century a significant shift in
the sensibilities and outlooks of critics and artists is emerging; in fact,
I would go as far as to claim that a new kind of cultural worker is in
the making, associated with a new politics of difference. These new forms
of intellectual consciousness advance reconceptions of the vocation of
critic and artist. And note I use the term vocation, from the old Lutheranite
understanding of calling, not profession. We can talk about vocation versus
profession later in our reflections (this is not to say that we can escape
professionalism, but that vocation has a very different weight and gravity—both
intellectual, existential, and political—than profession does). This vocation
of critic and artist entails attempting to undermine the prevailing disciplinary
division of labor in the academy, museum, mass media, and gallery networks,
while preserving modes of critique within the ubiquitous commodification
of culture in the global village. The distinctive features of the new cultural
politics of difference are the trashing of the monolithic and homogeneous
in the name of diversity, multiplicity, and heterogeneity; and the rejection
of the abstract as universal in light of the concrete, the specific, and
the particular. To historicize, to contextualize, and to pluralize by highlighting
the contingent, provisional, variable, tentative, shifting, and changing
is to say, “I’m on the cutting edge of things.” That’s not necessarily
either good or bad, but the trashing, the rejection, and the undermining,
the obsession with contextualizing, pluralizing, and historicizing, is
to be “on the cutting edge.” Needless to say, these gestures are not new
in the history of criticism and art—go back to Hurder in the eighteenth
century, about whom Berlin has written so brilliantly. Yet what makes this
novel, along with the cultural politics, is how and what constitutes “different.”
The weight it is given in representation and the way in which highlighting
issues like exterminism, empire, class, race, gender, sexual orientation,
age, nation—and in this country of course, region—is so very important.
But these issues are all candidates of difference, otherness, and marginality,
acknowledging some discontinuity and disruption from previous forms of
cultural critique owing more to the moment than to the gesture per se.
The new cultural politics of difference consists of creative responses
to the new circumstances of our present moment, especially those of marginalized
first-world agents who shun degraded self-representations, claims of inferiority,
attacks on one’s beauty, one’s intelligence, one’s moral capacity—be they
racist, antisemitic, homophobic, or nationalist—articulating instead the
sense of the flow of history in light of contemporary terror. And I use
this word terror quite explicitly, because as you know we live in such
a ghastly century, one of the most terrible centuries in the history of
the world in terms of the scope of terror. And when it surfaces, it tends
to radically frighten those who have been occupying bourgeois space. Another
way of putting it is: drop most of us off in Roxbury, right now—frightening!
What is everyday life? It’s terror! To drop us off in Romania a year and
a half ago—terror! Siberia even now—terror! And we have to deal with this
terror, which we see articulated more and more, and of course when it’s
collectified and mobilized and galvanized and energized, it becomes even
more frightening. But those who differ try to articulate a response to
these contemporary terrors and terrorisms, as it were, along with the anxieties
and fears in highly commercialized North Atlantic capitalist cultures where
they’re escalating and fueling phobias against people of color, Jews, women,
gays, lesbians, and the elderly. For example, the level of violence against
these people is really unspeakable at the moment— every fourteen seconds
a woman is attacked. But not just the first world, but also the third world
against the rigid second world ex-communist culture, with increasing nationalist
revolts against the legacy of hegemonic party henchmen. Last but not least,
the diverse cultures of the majority of inhabitants on the globe were smothered
by international communication cartels, often regimented and repressed
by postcolonial elites in the name of communism, as in Ethiopia, or starved
by austere World Bank and IMF policies that subordinate them to the North
in the name of free-market capitalism, as in Chile. These spheres are crucial
areas of analysis for this new cultural terrain, and I’m sure many of you
will be involved in building buildings and shaping space within these very
new places.
The new cultural politics of difference are not simply oppositional
in contesting the mainstream (or malestream) for inclusion; it’s not an
assimilation project or an integration project, nor is it transgressive
in the earlier twentieth-century avant-gardist sense of shocking conventional
bourgeois audiences. Rather, they are distinct articulations of talented
and usually privileged contributors to culture who desire to align themselves
with demoralized, demobilized, depoliticized, and disorganized people in
order to embody and enable social action, and if possible to enlist collective
insurgency for the expansion of freedom, democracy, and individuality.
This perspective impels these cultural critics and artists to reveal, as
an intricate component of their production, the very operations of power
within their immediate work context. The operations of power in the context
in which one finds oneself becomes itself an object of investigation. Foucault
and others have made this point. But the crucial point here is that you
don’t have to be a Foucaultian to constitute operations of power as an
object of investigation, and this is true in the academy and museum and
gallery and mass media and so forth. |